Aquino’s Binuclear Presidency
PerryScope / By Perry Diaz
President Benigno “P-Noy” Aquino III seems to believe in the adage, “Two heads are better than one,” when he fills up positions in his administration. He divided the former Office of the Press Secretary into two groups: the Presidential Communications Operations Office and the Presidential Communications Development and Strategic Planning Office (PCDSPO). Then he filled up his cabinet with people from the warring “Balay” and “Samar” factions.
Rico E. Puno
The provenance of the “Balay” and “Samar” factions was the presidential campaign of P-Noy. The “Balay” faction (Visayan word for “house”) consisted mainly of Liberal Party stalwarts and former appointees – the “Hyatt 10” — of ex-president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo who supported the “Noy-Mar” tandem of P-Noy and his running mate Sen. Mar Roxas. The “Samar” faction (named after Samar Avenue where P-Noy’s campaign headquarters was located) consisted of P-Noy’s relatives, friends, and some media personalities who supported the “Noy-Bi” tandem of P-Noy and vice presidential candidate Jejomar “Jojo” Binay. Another faction that is very influential but staying below the media radar consists of a few classmates of P-Noy who are often referred to as “Kabarkada.”
“Divided house”
The infighting started right after P-Noy’s landslide victory. Members from the different factions started jockeying for positions. P-Noy tried to please all and ended up with a binuclear presidency with the two dominant factions — Samar and Balay – splitting the cabinet posts and other important positions among their members.
P-Noy dissolved the Office of the Press Secretary and put in place two communications offices, one in charge of developing the “message” and the other in charge of “selling” the message. The problem is that PCVDSPO Secretary Ricky Carandang, the “message” maker, belongs to the “Balay” faction while Communications Operations Secretary Herminio “Sonny” Coloma, the “message” seller, belongs to the “Samar” faction.
P-Noy’s inner sanctum is also divided. Executive Secretary Paquito “Jojo” Ochoa Jr. was the dominant figure in the “Samar” faction during the campaign. So it did not come as a surprise that P-Noy appointed him as the “Little President,” arguably the most powerful alter ego of P-Noy.
Occupying another powerful position within P-Noy’s inner sanctum is Presidential Chief of Staff Julia Abad-Parker, daughter of Budget Secretary Florencio “Butch” Abad. Father and daughter belong to the “Balay” faction.
One of the most controversial appointments of P-Noy was his designation of two “heads” to run the Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG). First, he appointed his longtime friend and “shooting buddy” Rico E. Puno, upon his request, to the post of Undersecretary of DILG with sole authority and responsibility over security matters and as “presidential liaison” for the Philippine National Police (PNP). In that capacity, Puno reported directly to P-Noy. It’s interesting to note that Puno was at one time a supplier of guns and ammunition to security forces including the PNP.
A few days after Puno’s appointment, P-Noy appointed Jesse Robredo as Secretary of DILG but limiting his authority over “Local Government” only. Nobody screamed about it until all hell broke loose!
Luneta bloodbath
On August 23, 2010, an 11-hour hostage-taking incident ended in the death of eight Chinese tourists from Hong Kong in a tourist bus in front of the Quirino Grandstand in Luneta. The hostage-taker, dismissed Manila Police senior inspector Rolando Mendoza, was subsequently killed by police sniper fire.
Nowhere during the incident were Puno and his subordinate, PNP Chief Jesus Verzosa. Puno simply vanished and didn’t reappear until the crisis was over. And Verzosa — in the midst of the crisis — flew to Cagayan de Oro to attend a “function.” P-Noy was also “missing in action.” When P-Noy finally appeared in public, the crisis was over. So, for the 11 hours that the hostage-taking crisis was in progress, the “line of authority” from P-Noy all the way down to Puno and Verzosa was totally detached from the ground operations.
In the aftermath of the bloodbath, P-Noy ordered Justice Secretary Leila de Lima to conduct an investigation. He vowed that “heads will roll”! De Lima empanelled the Incident Investigation and Review Committee (IIRC) and after two weeks of marathon hearings, the IIRC submitted its report to P-Noy recommending that 13 persons be charged administratively, criminally or both. Amongst those recommended for disciplinary actions were Puno, Verzosa, and Manila Mayor Alfredo Lim.
According to an article written by Malou Mangahas of the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, upon reading part of the 82-page report, P-Noy blurted out: “Napatapang ‘ata masyado ah. Bakit kasama pa sila Puno, Lim, at Verzosa?” (It’s too strongly worded. Why are we implicating Puno, Lim and Verzosa?). Evidently, P-Noy didn’t expect – or want — the IIRC to implicate his three political allies. It became apparent that P-Noy wanted to save Puno, Verzosa, and Lim. He then decided to refer the IIRC report to Ochoa and Presidential Legal Counsel Eduardo de Mesa for review and revision.
Indispensible and untouchable
What is disturbing is Puno’s comment during an interview with the media the day before the IIRC report was released to the public. The news report says, “It will take more than a ‘jueteng’ scandal or a hostage fiasco to sink Rico E. Puno. The ties that bind the controversial interior undersecretary with President Benigno Aquino III apparently run deep and go way back that, by his own account, would make any boss think twice before letting him go.” Puno bragged about his indispensability and closeness to P-Noy, saying that he doesn’t belong to either the “Balay” or “Samar” faction. He boasted that he belongs to the “Times” group, in reference to P-Noy’s house on Times Street in Quezon City.
Last October 11, P-Noy released the modified IIRC report, which cleared Puno and Verzosa of complicity in the botched rescue operation. Instantly, P-Noy’s decision to clear Puno and Verzosa ignited a firestorm of criticism.
“Raspunotin”
Many people ask what’s Puno’s hold on P-Noy that makes him untouchable. Their mentor-mentee relationship is sometimes juxtaposed with the strong influence that Rasputin had over Czar Nicolas II in the years prior to the Russian revolution.
The recent downslide in P-Noy’s popularity – his trust rating dropped from 88% to 71% and his net rating plummeted from 84% to 60% – could be a harbinger of things to come if he doesn’t change his leadership style now.
In trying to please everyone, P-Noy could end up displeasing everybody. His uncle-in-law Len Oreta once told him: “You don’t owe your presidency to anyone but your own parents, Ninoy and Cory.” Yes, indeed.
It’s time for P-Noy to assert his leadership and demonstrate that he has the political will to make the changes he promised.
Nobody is indispensible. A good manager follows the dictum: “Get rid of the indispensible.” If Puno thinks that he is indispensible, then P-Noy ought to prove him wrong.
(PerryDiaz@gmail.com)
